Global Enforcement Needed to Root Out Uyghur Forced Labor

The UFLPA has shown the potential of mandatory due diligence to drive impact, but also the limitations of a single-country approach to addressing forced labor.

It has been three years since the United StatesUyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (UFLPA) came into force. The groundbreaking law — mandating that all products from China’s Xinjiang region be barred from entering the US, due to the inability to assess whether goods were produced with forced labor — set a new bar for human rights due diligence legislation.

Despite some companies’ attempts to water it down, the UFLPA has been effective and shown the potential of mandatory due diligence: More than $1.3 billion worth of goods linked to Xinjiang was barred from entering the US in just its first year of enforcement. But it’s also shown the limitations of a single-country approach — which is why Elfidar Iltebir, a Uyghur-American and President of the Uyghur American Association, said she hopes that other markets, including Canada and Europe, embrace similar mandatory human rights due diligence requirements.

“The United States has demonstrated that a law like the UFLPA can be effectively implemented, and that companies can comply with its legal requirements,” Iltebir told Sustainable Brands® (SB). “We urgently need more countries to take a stand against Uyghur forced labor and adopt legislation similar to the UFLPA.”

The impetus for the UFLPA

Around 2018, reports began emerging of China’s digitally enhanced police state — which soon morphed into the largest system of concentration camps since World War II, housing as many as three million Uyghurs and other mostly Turkic Muslim minorities. Alongside this is ongoing cultural genocide in Xinjiang; Mosques, cemeteries, shrines and historic Uyghur neighborhoods have been systematically destroyed.

In late 2019, evidence began to emerge that these camps were also being used as factory labor forces. In March of 2021, a report published by the Australia Strategic Policy Institute linked numerous apparel brands — including adidas, Fila and Nike — to indirectly sourcing from suppliers in the Uyghur regions. Since then, numerous reports have shown the global reach of Xinjiang’s products.

“In addition to the apparel sector, more reports have emerged revealing connections to Uyghur forced labor in other industries such as seafood, tomatoes, the automotive sector, solar panels and critical minerals,” Iltebir says.

While the US has an existing regulation prohibiting products from being imported with forced labor (Section 307 of the Tariff Act, which prohibits imports of any good or service in which a “worker does not offer himself voluntarily”), it was limited because it required proof of forced labor to block an import — something increasingly impossible in Xinjiang.

The UFLPA assumes that, due to lack of access to the region and the role of the Chinese government in perpetuating forced labor, all goods from Xinjiang are presumed to be linked to forced labor. This vastly expands the scope of products barred from entry and puts pressure on the Chinese government to end its campaign of repression against Uyghurs and other Turkic peoples.

“The message is clear: Forced labor is a ‘top tier’ compliance issue, and no longer the provenance of weak Codes of Conduct or Corporate Social Responsibility measures,” Anasuya Syam, director of Human Rights and trade at the Human Trafficking Legal Center, said in a statement. “What changed? The advent of substantial legal and enforcement risk.”

Beyond Xinjiang

The UFLPA’s impact also demonstrates a worrying reality: A system in which brands made voluntary commitments to eliminate forced labor or maintain human rights standards often failed to improve working conditions along complex supply chains — partly because the only oversight often comes from civil society groups or the media through shaming, and that is not enough.

Unfortunately, the response from the Chinese government has not been to stop its forced labor system or improve human rights in the Uyghur regions. Instead, it’s sought to obfuscate exports by routing them from Xinjiang through other parts of China or to other parts of the world. In 2023, the vast majority of goods blocked by the UFLPA weren’t coming from China, but from countries including Malaysia.

Iltebir also described other tactics, including “producing fake pay stubs that Uyghur workers can present to auditors” and labor-transfer programs that move millions of Uyghurs from Xinjiang to work in factories around China.

Global adoption and expansion

When the UFLPA passed, advocates hoped that other markets would soon follow and work together to prevent the Chinese government from utilizing forced labor. But while there has been progress — such as the EU’s Human Rights Due Diligence (HRDD) legislation — so far, no similar laws have emerged around the world.

“Although there have been some positive steps by other countries, no strong legislation has been passed yet. Even the European Union’s bill includes a three-year implementation period,” Iltebir told SB. “There is potential, but progress is not moving fast enough.”

There are challenges in the US, as well. The new administration has stopped enforcing other laws — such as the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act — meant to hold US businesses accountable overseas and has broadly limited US participation in global human rights enforcement. While this has not yet impacted the UFLPA, no new companies have been added to the entity list since the new administration began in January.

Nevertheless, the UFLPA has shown the potential of governments enforcing human rights standards in global supply chains. Now, it’s up to the rest of the world to step in with meaningful efforts to protect the human rights of Uyghurs and other groups subject to forced labor around the world.